Clan Campbell

• Cross-regional reach as both a Highland clan and Lowland surname.
• An ability to operate in both Scots-speaking and Gaelic-speaking worlds.
• Having its heartland located in Argyll.
• Expansion to north, east and south.
• Clan unity and cohesion, co-operation and independence.
• Strategic marriage alliances - both endogamy and exogamy.
• Dynastic strength.
• A willingness to exploit bonds of manrent.
• Substantial military might.
• Extensive legal jurisdictions.
• Close links to Stewart monarchs.
• A national role in the kingdom.
• A Clan-wide committment to Protestantism.
• A 'British' and international role in Ireland and Anglo-Scottish affairs.

The first Colin was a younger son of Duncan, first Lord Campbell, the main branch of the Clan who later became the earls of Argyll. In 1432 his father established Colin in northern Argyll by granting him the lands and lordship of Glen Orchy, which became the new branch's territorial designation. Colin lived from c 1395 to 1475, during which his reign set a pattern for: the acquisition of land, advantageous marriages, a leading role within Clan Campbell, a long life, and an adult male successor.  His long and important career established the family's fortunes and demonstrated many of the characteristics that brought success for subsequent generations.

An advantageous marriage helped Colin acquire a share in the lordship of Lorn, in northern Argyll. As tutor (guardian) to his great-nephew, the first earl of Argyll, Colin became a major power within Clan Campbell during the middle of the 15th century, building Inveraray Castle for the earl and Kilchurn (also known as Glenorchy) Castle for himself.

The first Colin was much travelled, with his visits to Rome providing the by-name Black Colin of Rome (Cailean Dubh na Roimh). When fighting the Turks in Rhodes alongside the Knights Hospitallers, according to tradition he was protected by the Glenorchy charm stone (now in the National Museum of Scotland). He died in 1475 at Strathfillan, where he had built a tower, and was buried at Kilmartin, in Argyll.

The second Duncan

His son, Duncan (c.1443-1513) had an equally long career, during which he made major territorial acquisitions in the Breadalbane region, in particular securing the strategically vital holdings at the east and west ends of Loch Tay. He was helped by the military power of his allies, the MacGregors, who expanded east alongside the Campbells. That alliance later disintegrated with a bitter feud between the kin groups starting when Grey Colin was laird.

Duncan's considerable literary and artistic skills placed him at the centre of the Gaelic literary circle. He patronised the Fortingall MacGregors who compiled 'The Book of the Dean of Lismore' to which Duncan contributed nine humorous and bawdy poems. For many years he worked closely with his cousin, the 2nd earl of Argyll, and when both were killed at the battle of Flodden (9 September 1513) they were buried side by side at Kilmun, Argyll.

The third laird

The third laird, another Colin (c.1468-1523), was a mature forty-five years of age when he inherited after Flodden. His ten-year lairdship saw a shift away from the Campbell heartland of Argyll and Glen Orchy into Perthshire and a new base in Breadalbane. Colin built a chapel to the Blessed Virgin Mary at Finlarig and when he died, on 8 August 1523, he was buried there, as were all his successors. He was most probably the owner of the illustrated Glenorchy Psalter, now in the British Library.

Succession and stagnation

Duncan (c.1486-1536) succeeded his father and during his lairdship gains were consolidated but expansion did not continue at the previous pace. His son predeceased him and he was succeeded as 5th laird by his brother, John (c.1496-1550). Possibly because of his ill-health, the Glenorchy Campbell drive diminished and under John the lairdship seemed to stagnate.

With no surviving sons much rested on his younger brother, Grey Colin, who took an increasingly active part in running affairs in Breadalbane. When he succeeded Grey Colin was a widower with two daughters and in 1550 the dynasty's survival seemed to hang on a very slender thread.

The Black Book of Taymouth

'The Black Book of Taymouth,' the family history of the Campbells of Glenorchy was written between 1598 and 1648 to chronicle the deeds of the noble lineage and record the ways they had advanced their house. Having been begun under Black Duncan, Grey Colin's son, it was not surprising that it portrayed Grey Colin and Black Duncan as the most successful of their line.

• The Reformation crisis, 1559-60.
• The 'Chase-about Raid', rebellion following Mary, Queen of Scots, marriage to Henry, Lord Darnley, 1565-6. For example: In November 1565, the Privy Council's order forbidding trade with Argyllshire because the 5th earl was in rebellion caused particular problems for Grey Colin and Kate who had to undertake a damage limitation exercise (eg GD112/39/5/6; 514 & 15). Also, the 'Gossip' letters Colin exchanged with John of Carrick show how the 'Chase-about Raid' produced internal tensions within Clan Campbell.
• The Civil Wars, 1567-73, especially the annus horribilis of 1570. In the Civil Wars of 1567-73, 1570 stands out as a year when Scotland nearly slipped into anarchy. The 142 letters surviving from that year give an exceptionally detailed picture of what was happening from the perspective of Grey Colin and the Queen's Party.

From the Clan's beginning, Protestantism and religious dissent were important beliefs for the kinship group. Members of Clan Campbell were linked to Lollardy and Protestantism from the start with the Campbells of Cessnock caught up in the heresy trial of the Lollards of Kyle in 1494.

The tradition of religious dissent remained very strong among the Ayrshire Campbells who were involved in iconoclasm and supporting George Wishart's preaching campaign in the 1530s and 1540s.

The importance of the Ayrshire Campbells, especially the lesser lairds such as Robert Campbell of Kinzeancleuch and his intrepid wife Elizabeth Campbell (Cessnock), in organising and sustaining the Protestant cause in the 1540s and 1550s was highlighted by John Davidson in his c1575 poem.

The 4th earl of Argyll also converted to Protestantism and during the 1550s employed in his household the reformers John Douglas or Grant, a former friar, and John Carswell, the future superintendent of Argyll and Bishop of the Isles. Carswell became well known throughout the Clan, developing a warm friendship with Kate and Grey Colin. He tutored the future 5th earl who remained a firm Protestant for the rest of his life.

The Campbells and the Reformation Crisis

The Campbells played an important role in John Knox's preaching tour of 1555-6 and Grey Colin was among those who tried unsuccessfully to persuade the preacher to remain in Scotland in 1556 under Campbell protection.

Continued Campbell commitment was demonstrated when the 4th earl and his son, Lord Lorne, organised and signed the First Band of December 1557. This led to the attempt by the Archbishop of St Andrews, John Hamilton's the 4th earl's brother-in-law, to persuade Argyll to hand over John Douglas to be tried as a heretic.

See: Full transcript of letters between the 4th earl and Archbishop of St Andrews.

During the Reformation Crisis of 1558-60 Clan Campbell's military and political support for Protestantism was one of the deciding factors in the triumph of the Lords of the Congregation, one of whose leaders was the 5th earl. Grey Colin played an important role in the events of 1559-60, aided by the strong Protestantism of Kate's family, the Ruthvens, especially in the cleansing of St Andrews on 11 June 1559 (GD112/39/1/5&6). Kate had been raised as a Protestant and the marriages of her sisters had helped establish a Protestant network in Perthshire and the surrounding area.

Following the legislative establishment of the Reformed Kirk in August 1560, Grey Colin took the initiative in ensuring the new religious arrangements would operate within his territories. His former household chaplain, William Ramsay, became minister of Inchadney parish (now Kenmore). In a remarkable contract made in 1561 (full transcript below), Grey Colin stipulated Ramsay's duties and paid for his ministry.

The kingdom was made up of an aggregate of small enclosed communities rather than a single unified state. While it possessed central political, administrative, financial and judicial institutions, their authority was limited and did not stretch evenly across the realm. The only institution with a fully comprehensive national organisation was the Church. By contrast the crown relied primarily upon the monarch's own personal authority and utilised the Scottish magnates to implement its policies.

Political power was decentralised and was retained at local, as well as regional, levels. These levels were not dominated by the national sphere since poor communications and substantial natural barriers, such as mountain ranges, firths and river valleys, helped keep Scotland’s different regions separate and preserved their distinct identities. Political power within Scotland was more evenly balanced between the three levels than in many other European states.

The patronage system

The localities were linked to the centre through a series of personal networks from which all parties gained. Magnates secured an affinity to support them in civil and military affairs, while lairds and servitors consolidated their own regional and local power and gained access to the rewards and advancement to be obtained from the centre. Aristocratic military and political power relied far more upon a secure local and regional powerbase than central or court office. The need to work with and through the local lairds meant magnates had to keep abreast of local issues. In turn, lairds needed magnate assistance for access to the royal court and to central institutions, such as the council or law courts.

The lairds were primarily concerned with their regions' politics, where they struggled for superiority as well as acting as the agents for the crown and the magnates. Lesser lairds operated as the eyes and ears of the magnates and major lairds and the executors of their decisions at the local level and in return they received the minor rewards of the patronage system.

This vertical clientage network was held together on a chain of mutual interest firmly underpinned by the ties of kin, alliance and service. Loyalty, and the rewards which sustained it, flowed both downwards and upwards, thereby maintaining relationships between lords and their affinities. Service was only given in return for good lordship and its benefits and the same two-way movement was apparent in political issues.

The region's northern part comprised the ancient geographical and political unit of Atholl controlled by John Stewart, 4th earl of Atholl, who was the most important magnate in Perthshire and played a major role in national politics. William Stewart of Grandtully’s considerable importance was derived from his role as the earl of Atholls man of business' (eg GD112/39/6/20).

Patrick and William 3rd and 4th Lords Ruthven combined a prominent position at court with extensive influence based upon their control over the burgh of Perth. The Murrays of Tullibardine were also prominent at court.

William, 11th laird, exploited his office of Comptroller to enhance his authority in the locality. Though rarely at court himself, Grey Colin's vast territorial holding within Breadalbane made him a significant player in regional politics.

Major players in the southern region

The southern districts of Strathearn and Menteith were under the influence of John Graham, 4th earl of Menteith, David, 2nd Lord Drummond, and James Stewart of Doune, all based in the west close to Strathyre and the southern fringes of the Central Highlands involving them occasionally in clan matters, such as the MacGregor feud. Being near Stirling they were also drawn to the south and south-east, to Stirlingshire, Clackmannan, Kinross and Fife.

At the opposite end of Perthshire, the Stormont and Gowrie districts looked east forming part of the political zone of Forfar and Angus explaining the lack of correspondence from these areas (an exception being the letter from George Hay, 7th earl of Errol, GD112/39/4/26).

The lower orders

The middle and lower-ranking lairds who looked to the higher nobles of Perthshire had a more localised outlook and concentrated upon their own districts. The lairds of Lawers and Glenlyon were cadet branches of the Glenorchy Campbells, though this blood tie did not guarantee harmonious co-operation between the families.

Patrick Murray of Tibbermuir, a cadet of the Murray of Tullibardine family whose mother was a Ruthven, and Peter Hay of Megginch gravitated into the Ruthven affinity and served Kate by performing a variety of tasks for her in Edinburgh. Since they were more likely to report in person, lairds at this lower level were not as well represented in the letters. The different social levels within Perthshire were bound together through links of lineage, blood and marriage many of the Breadalbane Letters' correspondents were connected by these ties.

Brother against brother

The feud was particularly intense because the two clan groups had previously been close allies who had successfully expanded together from their neighbouring glens in Lorn into Breadalbane and had settled side by side upon these new lands. Marriage alliances had cemented the links between the MacGregors, the Campbells and other Argyll kindreds, such as the MacNaughtons. The feud cut across these ties leaving many with hard decisions over their conflicting loyalties. It directly involved the earl of Argyll who had also employed the MacGregors (GD112/39/2/1 & 8).

The feud's beginnings

The feud began in 1562 as a consequence of the hard conditions Grey Colin imposed upon the young chief, Gregor MacGregor (Griogair Ruadh), when he was infefted in the lands of Glenstrae (24 Nov. 1562, GD112/1/122).

In that year the MacGregors seized lands on Loch Tay and murdered some Campbells and their allies (GD112/39/2/7-8; 3/21). The raiding and fighting were intense in the first six months of 1563, reducing when Gregor took his kinsmen to the north of Ireland to fight as redshanks (GD112/39/2/25; 3/6-8; 3/19; 3/29). The MacGregors return restarted the feud though, in 1565 under the pressure of the 'Chase-about Raid', a settlement was negotiated.

Fanning the flames

When the feud flared later it drew in more participants including Atholl. No letters survive from the activity in 1569 which resulted in Gregor's capture on 1 August. On 7 April 1570 near Balloch Castle, Gregor was tried and sentenced to death and personally executed by Grey Colin (BBT 23).

Having witnessed the scene, Gregor's wife, Marion Campbell, composed a magnificent and bitter elegy in Gaelic, 'Griogal Cridhe'. (A complete Gaelic text and English translation can be found in 'Griogal Cridhe' in M. MacGregor, 'Surely one of the greatest poems ever made in Britain': The Lament for Griogair Ruadh MacGregor of Glen Strae and its Historical Background' in The Polar Twins eds. E.J.Cowan & D. Gifford (Edinburgh, 1999) 114-53.)

A settlement was finally reached with Grey Colin in the winter of 1570 and six months later between the MacGregors and the earl of Atholl (GD112/39/12/14; 14/1).

The feud and the Breadalbane Letters

The MacGregor feud provides the backdrop to many of the letters. It was Grey Colin's main preoccupation for the 1560s and may have encouraged him to collect together some of his correspondence. Its progress demonstrates how the society of the Western and Central Highlands operated and the ripple effect produced by a fierce regional struggle. Though the feud's main impact lay within Breadalbane and Argyll, it spread rapidly to include Lochaber, Atholl, Strathearn, Menteith and the Lennox and nearly all the nobility in the Perthshire and Argyll regions became involved to a greater or lesser extent.

The court also took notice of this feud because it affected the borderlands between the Highlands and Lowlands and was disrupting many main routes. Yet despite achieving national notoriety, the progress of the MacGregor feud was only marginally influenced by central government. It was essentially a Highland affair and all the main decisions were taken within the Highland political arena which remained throughout this period at one remove from national politics.

A warrior society

The organizational structure of clan society produced men whose main function was fighting and the development of a lucrative trade in mercenaries for an expanding Irish market intensified this trend. As the Breadalbane Letters show, a combination of fundamental social and economic pressures with a strong military ethos and available manpower made violence an accepted part of everyday life.

Within the Highlands most violence was small-scale and raiding was primarily concerned with economic rather than human targets. A cattle raid concentrated upon the capture of resources while other forays burned crops and laid waste settlements to drive the inhabitants from their lands. Sometimes people were deliberately attacked, with bloodfeuds targeting specific individuals or groups of kin. Only rarely would a terror campaign be pursued with random killings or the massacre of a whole community.

Warfare in the Campbell-MacGregor feud

The Campbell-MacGregor feud included all of these types of warfare, though most of the raids were directed at seizing or destroying goods. The economic dislocation over a large swathe of the Central and Southern Highlands can be gauged in the numerous memos of goods and livestock stolen or property destroyed (for eg 30 June 1565, GD112/2/117/3/46; 12 June 1569, GD112/1/178, 178a). Grey Colin did not have sufficient military resources to prosecute the MacGregor feud and he needed help from his chief, his fellow clansmen and other allies within Argyll.

Despite his complaints about lukewarm support, they sent him substantial numbers of troops. The military effort was co-ordinated by the earl of Argyll and his council, but they did not take over the running of the feud itself. Grey Colin was constantly consulted, usually by letter, and in person when that was possible. Several times the council worked out different options and gave Grey Colin his choice between them (GD112/39/3/13; 6/25).The numbers of men offered varied widely depending on the progress of the feud and other military commitments, the tasks the men would undertake and the length of time they might stay.

In July 1565, when Argyll was involved in the Chase-about Raid, he told Grey Colin he would send 1,000 or more men (GD112/39/4/9). Much smaller groups were also discussed, as when Grey Colin complained in October 1563 that 40 men were not enough (GD112/39/2/20). Small numbers sometimes referred to the gentlemen, clan warriors accompanied by their own followers, such as Stewart of Appin's promise to send Glenorchy 18 men under their named captains who would be ready 'with als abill men of sa mony as beis in the cuntray' (GD112/397/9).

A Captain commanded his own kin and clansmen.

Raising the troops

Based on a land assessment or tax system, the Campbells and their allies agreed upon an efficient method of raising troops: one man for every merkland to serve for 8-10 or 20 days. This combined the obligations to a clan chief of hosting with those of feudal tenure (egGD112/39/7/3; 8/6). The troops were organised under the three districts of Lorn, Mid-Argyll and Cowal and 120 men were sent in 1565 from each district on a monthly rotation (GD112/39/4/2). Most soldiers fought on foot, but the earl of Argyll did have some light cavalry which Grey Colin wanted to have ready to call upon in August 1565 (GD112/39/4/19).

Weaponry

The troops carried different armour and weapons depending upon their function and social status. Padded habergeons (aketons as shown on West Highland graveslabs) or plate armour were worn and great swords carried by the gentlemen and captains (as shown in the illustrations of Grey Colin and his forbears from BBT), whilst ordinary soldiers would be equipped with targes and swords, Lochaber axes or bows and arrows.

Small firearms were also used and were listed in the graith or armour and weapons kept in the Glenorchy's castles c.1600 and muster rolls of 1638 (BBT, 335-41, 391-404). In June 1570 Grey Colin was upset to discover that the MacGregors were better equipped than Argyll's men, having 'culveringis [small hand gun] haberschonis and uthir armour' (GD112/39/7/8).

Protecting the home turf

Throughout the campaign Grey Colin needed to protect his extensive lands against raiding. Though a string of garrisons was suggested, it would have required a large number of troops raised by the stent or tax system (GD112/39/9/9). Another method was to block the westward passes into Argyll and drive the MacGregors east, where they would be prevented from taking the ferries across the Rivers Tay and the Tummel and forced into the arms of Atholl's men (GD112/39/3/5).

The fundamental difficulty was the MacGregors could make a raid and then disappear into hiding. As Grey Colin did not tire of reminding the 5th earl, some of these refuges were in Argyllshire and the MacGregors were being assisted by the earl's followers, such as Alexander MacNaughton of Dunderarve (GD112/39/9/21). The MacGregors were able to sustain their military efforts because they received supplies and could sell their stolen goods in the Central Highlands and borderlands with the Lowlands.

Shaky alliances

Grey Colin sought to counter raids with raids and hired other clan leaders, such as Ranald MacDonald of Keppoch and Donald MacEwan Cameron, to harry the MacGregors (GD112/39/3/17; 5/21; 9/2). Using other clans created problems, since inter-clan rivalries made gathering a single force hazardous (GD112/39/8/6). Initiating raiding proved a double-edged weapon when the Camerons hired to fight the MacGregors attacked Atholl's tenants (GD112/39/5/21; 12/15).

Troops might also attack their own allies, as happened in the 'mischance' of July 1570. In a case of mistaken identity some of Grey Colin's men, thinking they had found MacGregors, killed a party of Atholl's troops whilst they were asleep. The men of Atholl were narrowly prevented from invading Glenorchy's lands in retaliation and relations between Grey Colin and the earl were strained almost to breaking point (GD112/39/8/19; 8/22; 9/1; 9/4; 9/8).

Relying on family resources

Grey Colin was in the unusual position of requiring military assistance because his territorial expansion had outstripped his own resources. To supply his military needs he turned to his fellow Highlanders rather than his Lowland kin, such as the Ruthvens who were later famous as mercenaries in Scandinavia. He was fortunate that the unity and cohesion of Clan Campbell could supply him with the manpower he needed.

• (BBT) The Black Book of Taymouth: the family history of the Campbells of Glenorchy, the Black Book of Taymouth and a selection of other documents from the Breadalbane Collection were edited by Cosmo Innes and published by the Bannatyne Club in 1855.
• (RMS) Registrum Magni Sigilii Regum Scotorum: Register of the Great Seal of Scotland eds. J. Thomson et al. (11 vols., Edinburgh, 1882-1914).

Published Inventory of the Ancient Monuments of Argyll

• Vol. i: Kintyre. Edinburgh. 1971.
• Vol ii: Lorn Edinburgh, 1975.
• Vol iii: Mull, Tiree, Coll and Northern Argyll. Edinburgh, 1980.
• Vol iv: Iona. Edinburgh, 1982.
• Vol v: Islay, Jura, Colonsay & Oronsay. Edinburgh, 1984.
• Vol vi: Mid-Argyll & Cowal; Prehistoric & Early Historic Monuments. Edinburgh, 1988.
• Vol vii: Mid-Argyll & Cowal; Medieval & Later Monuments. Edinburgh, 1992.
• Also: Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland: Late Medieval Monumental Sculpture in the West Highlands, K.A. Steer and J.W.M. Bannerman. Edinburgh, 1977.

Recent books on the Campbells

• M. Verschuur A Noble and potent lady: Katherine, Countess of Crawford (Abertay Historical Society, 2006)
• S. Boardman The Campbells, 1250-1513 (Edinburgh, 2006).
• Alastair Campbell of Airds The History of Clan Campbell Vols I-III (Edinburgh, 2000-4).

Publications by Jane Dawson

• Campbell Letters, 1559-83 (Scottish History Society, 5th ser. Vol 10, Edinburgh, 1997) (out of print).
• The Politics of Religion in the age of Mary, Queen of Scots: The Earl of Argyll and the struggle for Britain and Ireland, (Studies in Early Modern British History, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2002 & 2007).
• 'The Campbell family, c1500-c1750' in The Oxford Companion to Scottish History ed. M. Lynch (Oxford, 2001) 370-1.
• 'The 5th earl of Argyll and Mary, Queen of Scots'.
• 'Jane Stewart, Countess of Argyll'.
• 'Campbell, Colin, third earl of Argyll, (d.1529), magnate' Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004).
• 'Campbell, Archibald, fourth earl of Argyll (1498-1558)' Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004).
• 'Campbell, Archibald, fifth earl of Argyll, (1538-1573), magnate and protestant reformer' Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004).
• 'Campbell, Colin, sixth earl of Argyll (c1542-1584) magnate' Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004).
• 'Campbell family of Glenorchy, (per. 1532-1631), nobility' Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004).

The Campbells and the Scottish Reformation

• 'Clan, kin and Kirk: the Campbells and the Scottish Reformation' in The Education of a Christian Society: Humanism and Reformation in Britain and the Netherlands eds. S. Amos, A. Pettegree & H. Van Nierop (Aldershot, 1999), 211-42.
• 'The Protestant Earl and the Godly Gael: the fifth earl of Argyll (c1538-1573) and the Scottish Reformation' in Life and Thought in the Northern Church c1100-c1700: Essays in honour of Claire Cross Studies in Church History Subsidia 12 ed. D. Wood (London, 1999), 337-63.
• 'Calvinism and the Gaidhealtachd in Scotland', in Calvinism in Europe, 1560-1620, eds. A. Duke, G. Lewis & A. Pettegree, (Cambridge, 1994), 231-53 reprinted in Scotland: The Making and Unmaking of the Nation c1000-1707 Vol 4 ed. C. Erskine (Edinburgh, 2007)

Campbell power and the Highlands

• 'The Gaidhealtachd and the emergence of the Scottish Highlands', in British Identity and British Consciousness, eds. B. Bradshaw and P. Roberts, (Cambridge, 1998), 259-300.
• 'Argyll: The Enduring Heartland', Scottish Historical Review 74 (1995), 75-98.
• 'The Origin of the 'Road to the Isles': Trade, Communications and Campbell Power in Early Modern Scotland', in People and Power in Scotland: Essays in honour of T.C. Smout, eds. R. Mason and N. Macdougall, (Edinburgh, 1992), 74-103.
• 'The fifth earl of Argyle, Gaelic lordship and political power in sixteenth-century Scotland', Scottish Historical Review, LXVII (1988), 1-27.
• 'Two Kingdoms or Three?: Ireland in Anglo-Scottish relations in the middle of the sixteenth century', in Scotland and England, 1286-1815, ed. R. Mason (Edinburgh, 1987), 113-38.

Gossipry

• 'There is nothing like a good gossip': Godparenting, baptism and alliance in early modern Scotland' in Perspectives on the Older Scottish Tongue ed. M. Mackay & C. Kay (Edinburgh, 2005), 38-47 and Review of Scottish Culture 15 (2003), 88-95